Commentary

The New Agile Political Media Campaign Cycle

One of the biggest consequences of Kamala Harris' rapid-fire presidential campaign ascent isn't how it will impact voters -- blue, red or otherwise -- but the implications it holds for the making of future presidents. You know, the advertising and media parts.

It's something I've been thinking about for some time leading up to Harris' endorsement to replace President Joe Biden as the Democratic party's nominee, just a hundred days before the election, but it was articulated in comments Michael Steele made on MSNBC's "Morning Joe" this morning that should send shivers up the spines of every political media consultant, agency, as well as their media supply chain -- especially local TV stations:

"Joe Biden may have unlocked for us, a very important key in our electoral process, because what we are seeing now is the reason why we don’t need two years of a presidential race," Steele quipped, adding, "Sorry consultants – I know, I know – but we can do this in a very short timeframe, because Kamala Harris is doing it."

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While Steele didn't venture what the time frame of the new political media campaign cycle should be, he pronounced the two-year lead-up effectively dead, noting "you can do it in six to eight months."

"I’m not saying it’s something the next cycle we are going to do this in six months, but it shows that it can be done," he concluded, adding, "We don’t need two years of TV commercials running for president."

That vacuous sound you hear is the gaping open mouths of political media consultants worldwide -- not just for presidential elections, but up and down the ballots too, because if Steele's premise holds true, it's something that could impact all forms of political races.

While Steele attributed his new "snap," or agile political campaign cycle to the Kamala Harris use case, it's something I've been thinking about increasingly for years.

In fact, I've been using my own similar thesis to provide reassurance to friends and family during some recent campaign news cycle low points.

It goes something like this: "Don't worry what so-and-so's performance was like, or what the polls are showing, because there will be so many volatile shifts in the campaign news cycle that no one will know anything until just before Election Day on Nov. 5."

It wasn't just reassurance. I actually believe that.

I started formulating this perspective exactly four years ago, when near the tail end of Donald Trump's presidency, the political tracking team at Ipsos released a unique analysis showing the political news cycle had already compressed to daily under the Trump administration.

In the 48 monthly briefings Ipsos' poltical tracking team has held since then, I've asked if they could update their political news cycle analysis again. I did so again during this week's briefing, and they promise to, but even without their scientific analytics, I can tell you it still is shifting roughly daily and at some points, intraday.

In fact, another Ipsos analysis released late last year, described an even more volatile addition to the political news cycle -- one it dubbed the "polycrisis" in which multiple, earth-shattering news events collide, making campaign outcomes even less predictable.

This is the reason I believe statistical polling has lost its efficacy as political campaign indicator in recent years. Not respondent bias, just the fact that the underlying truth shifts so rapidly during campaign cycles that there is too much of a lag effect for the probability of political polls to be predictive or accurate. I mean, what good does it do you to assess what people think and feel based on yesterday's news. Or maybe even this morning's news.

Honestly, I think the same thing is true of prediction markets data, which in recent years has been celebrated as a more accurate predictor of campaign outcomes. I respect the science, and contributor Ed DeNicola has published a number of op-eds analyzing them and citing the foundational research of prediction analytics expert Allan Lichtman's "13 keys" for predicting a presidential election.

While I think the science is valid and should be considered, I think the 2024 campaign has so many unprecedented variables -- a former president challenging an incumbent president, an assassination attempt, an incumbent stepping down and anointing his vice president a hundred days out, etc., etc., etc. -- that I don't think it can be modeled.

By the way, I'm willing to make a prediction of my own: There will be many, many more prediction keys breakers in the weeks and days ahead.

I can't tell you what all of them will be, because they will be based on organic shifts in the news cycle, but some are already calendarized:

  • A Democratic National Convention -- and its nomination process -- unlike any other.
  • Trump's felony conviction sentencing immediately after that.
  • A presumptive second televised presidential debate (assuming it's not behind bars).
  • Etc.

And these are the relatively knowns. I have to tell you that for months I've been receiving multiple dispatches from gambling odds sites highlighting even wackier bets on all sorts of presidential campaign development scenarios, and the more this campaign drags on, the less outlandish I think many of them are.

So fasten your seatbelts, and enjoy -- or feel free to hurl -- during the rest of this rollercoaster ride. But the bottom line for the $10 billion-plus U.S. political advertising marketplace is that MSNBC's Michael Steel is absolutely right. There is no need to spend billions of dollars for two years leading up to the election to have an impact on it.

And while Steele didn't say exactly what the new advertising cycle should be, my recommendation is to keep your powder dry until you absolutely have to fire something.

4 comments about "The New Agile Political Media Campaign Cycle".
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  1. Ed DeNicola from MediaLytics, July 26, 2024 at 12:22 p.m.

    Hi Joe – Thanks for the shout out. Your prediction that there will be more prediction-key breakers to come is likely accurate. After this tumultuous election run up, Allan Lichtman might have to go back to the drawing board and reassess the 13 keys, maybe add another key for debates and one for assassination attempts. Although, it’s important to note that his 13 keys’ 2024 presidential election prediction has yet to be proven wrong. The jury is still out. Regarding the prediction markets, they’re not all equal. IEM has consistently predicted a democratic victory while PredictIt moves up and down more like the polls. What I find most fascinating recently is how current events are rewriting the future as measured by prediction science. It’s like watching the future unfold before it happens.

  2. John Grono from GAP Research, July 26, 2024 at 8:04 p.m.

    Joe, I liked your phrase "I can tell you it still is shifting roughly daily and at some points, intraday" when discussing that the political news cycle had already compressed to daily.

    In essence there seems to be a massive amount of volatility.

    But I wonder whether the volatility is in the people's opinions or is the volatility in the opinion research.   One example was was that at one stage when Biden was stumbling one of the polls had Trump 60-40.   Biden steps down and Harris steps in and the next poll I saw was Trump 48-52.

    I think thaty shows that the fascination to get data quicklyy and put it in the media, and I admit that it is hard to assess from AU.   But thoses two polls imply that 12% of voters who were pro Trump were no longer pro-Trump is a matter of days.   I find that extremely unlikely as the Trump MAGAs seem to be welded on.

    But why is that happening?

    My guess is that many polls are now based on speed, low cost and being first into the media.   To do that there will probably an implied accuracy because we did a n=3,000 (or some number) poll and as long as they get 3,000 that is accurate.   Those 'rules' employed in the '60s and '70s and maimnluy were by telephone, mail or door-to-door.   Behind all that were requirements of fair geographic distribution, gender matching the census, have the age distribution close to the census ... and for some polls occupation, inceom etc,

    These days they just push out an on-line questioannire and once the n=xxxx quota is met that the job is done and rapidly reported.   It is now endemic globally.  I think that FiveThirtyEight's accumulation of numerous sources has the best chance of being within coo-eee of being on the money.

  3. Ed Papazian from Media Dynamics Inc, July 27, 2024 at 7:29 a.m.

    John, I don't recall seeing any poll that had Trump over Biden by 20 points on a national basis. And, in fairness, it should be noted that all of the pollsters sample balance to bring whatever sample they got into line with the population and, sometimes by party affiliation as well. That's not a perfect solution for a bad sample---but it helps.

    The main problem with most polls is the fact that many respondents are not giving true answers. For example when they take realative unknowns like the Dem's California and Michigan gevernors and ask national sampes if they are preferred over Trump many people who dislike Trump claim thay would vote for the Democrat---but this is just a reflex anti-Trump response. If they had been asked about Elmer Fudd---a Warner Bros cartoon character of the past he, too, might have beaten Trump in the polls taken after Biden dropped out of the race.

  4. John Grono from GAP Research, July 27, 2024 at 9:28 a.m.

    Thank you Ed.   I must redact what I wrote because it was part of a TV news report that I saw and was very suspicious.   I have been trying to track it down without any luck, so I apologise.

    I suspect that it might have been associated to the reporting of 72% who thought Biden should step-down and then some form of extrapolation may have arrived at a 60.40 if he didn't.

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